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Venezuela Oil and
Petroleum Products Geopolitics of Energy Energy and Climate Security
Venezuela’s latest
attempt to raise capital by issuing a cryptocurrency, the petro,
linked allegedly to its Orinoco oil reserves is problematical on so
many levels, it is hard to know how to comment on it beyond pointing
out the U.S. government has already said that trading in the new
market could risk exposure to U.S. sanctions. Stopping the
cryptocurrency could wind up being the easiest item for the Donald J.
Trump administration to address in the steps that Caracas is taking
to obviate Venezuela’s state oil company Petróleos de Venezuela,
S.A’s (PDVSA) creditors. PDVSA is engaging in all kinds of no cash
deal making to bypass oil cargo seizures. But the company could face
even more difficulty this year as Venezuela’s financial woes have
bitten into its capacity to keep its oil fields running. Citibank
estimates that Venezuela’s oil production capacity could sink to
one million (barrels per day) b/d over the course of 2018, down from
2.8 million b/d in 2015, as its access to credit worsens, sending
even more of its facilities into disrepair. International service
companies are limiting activities in the country as they take write
downs on hundreds of millions of dollars in unpaid fees. Venezuela’s
oil fields have a natural decline rate of 25% that requires constant
attention to maintain capacity.
Finding a soft
landing out of the crisis for PDVSA’s U.S. subsidiary Citgo
Petroleum could become increasingly complex for the United States as
it seeks to manage Venezuela’s deteriorating situation. Washington
has placed sanctions on critical members of the Venezuelan government
but has been reluctant to take action that could spill over to
Citgo’s ability to operate. Citgo operates three of America’s
largest oil refineries for a total capacity of 750,000 b/d, including
an important regional facility near Chicago. Citgo supplied fifteen
billion gallons of gasoline in the United States in 2015. So far,
Citgo has been shielded from creditors by its corporate structure.
But recently, impatient creditors of state oil company PDVSA are
starting to use more aggressive tactics, with one such group trying
to seize an oil cargo ship in an attempt to get paid. To avoid such
circumstances, PDVSA, which for all intents and purposes can no
longer attain bank letters of credit, is “time swapping”
ownership of some of the undesignated crude oil cargoes it can muster
for export for exchange of later delivery of badly needed fuel and
feedstock. The arrangements are designed to discourage creditors from
trying to grab oil in international locations because, in effect, the
oil is already owned by other parties before it sets sail from
Venezuela.
Last year, Venezuela
shipped about 450,000 b/d to China as part of a repayment of $60
billion in Chinese loans. That is less than half of the oil volume
originally anticipated in the payback schedule. In fact, one of the
largest lenders, China Development Bank, has been receiving barely
enough oil and refined oil products from Venezuela to cover the
interest payments on its loans, according to Energy Intelligence
Group. China and Russia are still receiving repayments via oil
shipments, with some small percentage of the value of the cargoes
allegedly getting back to Caracas. Other buyers such as Indian
refiners are still seen picking up cargoes on a F.O.B. basis (free on
board) that gives immediate ownership on pickup.
The question is
whether the status quo will prevail or whether Citgo’s operations
will be affected as financial problems escalate. The fate of PDVSA’s
bonds, which are also in a state of “quasi-default,” are
particularly tricky because many diverse parties are laying claim in
a manner that could foreclose on Citgo shares. A deal that pledged
company stock to bondholders is creating an opening to hasten
foreclosure. In another deal, Goldman Sachs purchased $2.8 billion
worth of PDVSA bonds at thirty cents on the dollar back in 2017. The
thesis behind the Goldman purchase, and most every other credit line
extended to PDVSA is that the state firm has valuable assets, some of
which are abroad, and giant reserves of oil. Governments come and go
but eventually, so the thinking goes, that oil can be turned back
into cash. The Venezuela case could test that kind of thesis, with
implications for other oil producers trying to go to global markets
to turn their oil reserves into cash.
The disruption of
Venezuela’s oil exports from international trading has been
gradual, perhaps somewhat muting its effect to date. The breakdown of
the country’s refining system has created openings for U.S.
refiners to export increasing volumes of gasoline and diesel to Latin
America and elsewhere. To some extent, the drop in its crude oil
exports has facilitated the ongoing collaboration between the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and important
non-OPEC producers to steady oil prices at higher levels. Higher oil
prices are a bit of a help to the Venezuelan regime but with most of
its oil having to be sold in barter format, convertible foreign
exchange will be increasingly hard to come by, especially if oil
field production problems leave it with fewer available barrels to
trade.
As the financial
situation for PDVSA worsens, the oil market effects could widen,
especially if it leads to the collapse of Citgo Petroleum. U.S.
policy makers should think about whether it’s advisable to develop
a contingency plan now for the latter outcome. The Trump
administration could consider being pro-active, perhaps offering a
crude for products swap open tender for the U.S. Strategic Petroleum
Reserve (SPR) with other U.S. refiners now to create at least a small
government buffer stock of refined product that could be directed to
Illinois or other affected markets in the spring, should Citgo’s
operations get unexpectedly interrupted by financial problems or
legal proceedings. Such a plan could ameliorate the effect on U.S.
consumers from any sudden event related to Venezuela and give
Washington more flexibility to respond to the ongoing crisis inside
Venezuela. Should nothing go wrong in the coming weeks, the
contingency planning could still be a win-win. The refined product
stocks could offer the same protections ahead of next summer’s
hurricane season and serve as a test case for how to modernize the
SPR to include refined products at no government cash outlay.

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